By: Cory Voskanian
Photo by DAVIT GHAHRAMANYAN/AFP via Getty Images
Introduction
There exists a long and complicated history between the nations of Armenia and Azerbaijan, and the United States has historically served in a pivotal political position between the two countries. In a post Nagorno-Karabakh era, it has become increasingly evident that American policy intervention is needed to condemn the actions of Azerbaijan and show support for the subsequently impacted Armenian people. Reinstating foreign mediation efforts would allow for previous negotiations between these three countries to serve as precedent, with a clear impact being noted on Artsakh cultural improvement and livelihood preservation (Dermoyan 2024). Additionally, an investigation spearheaded by the Homeland Security Investigations department could further document and compile the scope of the atrocities committed by Azerbaijan in a qualitative and direct manner (Homeland Security).
Background
It took over a century for the United States federal government to recognize the atrocities of the Armenian Genocide. A century spent pleading and calling for allyship, support, or any form of acknowledgement, yet, the United States continually turned a blind eye. When President Joe Biden recognized the Armenian Genocide in 2021, a beacon of hope seemed to emerge for Armenian-Americans who had long awaited recognition within the U.S. political domain (Biden 2021). Now, three years removed from the President’s statement, it seems like once again the struggle of the Armenian people has fallen to the wayside, especially in the wake of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.
The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict emerged from the establishment of the Karabakh region by the Soviet Union; a region with a majority Armenian population under the previously established territory of Azerbaijan in the 1920s. After the fall of the Soviet Union in the early 90s, the citizens of Karabakh desired independence, and what had previously existed as tensions between Armenia and Azerbaijan divulged into violent war. For the next 20 years, the dominant control over the region swayed between two opposing sides—the ethnic Armenian population which had already been living there and the Azeri government who had been granted the land under Soviet control (“Nagorno-Karabakh Profile”). With the dissolution of Artsakh, the ethnically Armenian enclave that was officially purged by the Azerbaijani militia on January 1st, 2024, it is now more pertinent than ever to determine how exactly the United States can support impacted Armenians in a post Nagorno-Karabakh era (Center for Preventative Action). The United States should revisit and implement specific policy changes in order to mitigate the negative impacts on displaced Armenians including Azeri-Armenian prisoner of war mediations and launching of an investigation that would try Azerbaijan on accounts of war crimes and ethnic cleansing (H.R.5686).
Prisoner of War Mediation and War Crime Investigation
The continued aloofness from the international sphere has allowed for Azerbaijan to surge forward in its war preparations, and this apathy from foreign nations is the reason why the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict was able to fester unmonitored (Davtyan 2023). While the opportunity for the United States to intervene in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has passed as of January 1st, 2023, the opportunity to provide mediation privileges to benefit the ousted Armenian people still remains. With the help of the United States, it is likely that the 23 currently detained Armenian prisoners of war could be released from Azerbaijani control (Dermoyan 2024). The repatriation of these Armenian citizens is now vital to the preservation of Artsakh cultural heritage, as many of the currently detained prisoners of war include Artsakh political leaders and pioneers. Specifically, Azerbaijan has detained Arayik Harutyunyan, who was a prominent businessman, the former prime minister of the state, and the chairman of the Karabakh Liberation Organization within the region. Moreover, precedent has been set for such a situation, evidenced by when the United States helped facilitate the repatriation of 17 Armenian citizens in October 2022 (Dermoyan 2024). Further attempts to aid Armenian hostages originated in California’s 25th district, where a proposed Senate joint resolution suggested that Azerbaijan had violated the Third Geneva Convention; it declared that the return of hostages and prisoners of war is essential given that all hostilities between parties have ceased (Archuleta & Portantino). While a few solutions have been proposed in the United States legislature, it appears the divergence between American support and Armenian impact can be traced back to congressional stagnance and uncertainty.
An alternative, and potentially more agreeable solution, would be to implement an active investigation into Azerbaijan’s war crimes and alleged ethnic cleansing. To conduct such an investigation, statistics, data, and physical evidence showing the ethnic cleansing of the Armenian Artsakh population must be gathered and organized in a coherent manner (H.R.5686). During the 2020 Karabakh war, 310 of the deaths reported occurred in the de facto Artsakh region, and 38% of the total Armenian death toll during the war were adolescents aged 15-19 (Karlinsky & Torrisi). Utilizing specific data and statistics in regard to the atrocities of war allows for such an investigation regarding war crimes to be conducted with minimal historical or partisan bias. While the impacts of the conflict expand far beyond qualitative measures, numerical facts and figures may be the most logical way to outline the atrocities of Azerbaijan.
The Azeri Position
The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict expands far beyond the outcome that has emerged within the 21st century. There exists a long and tumultuous history surrounding which country has the “right” to Artsakh after the fall of the USSR. However, it currently is not pertinent whether or not one side has a greater historical self-determination over the land. Instead, the morally reprehensible methods used by Azeri forces to violently force out the native Armenian population within the Nagorno-Karabakh region are being challenged. While it can be conceded that neither side is innocent and that both sides have committed atrocities (Amnesty International),“there are numerous verified cases of Azerbaijani soldiers mutilating dead bodies…and executing both combatants and civilians” (Columbia University ISHR). If the United States continues to idly watch atrocities be committed, these abhorrent methods will continue to be used until these parties are held accountable.
Conclusion
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